Israeli settlements in the West Bank: a brief history

Donald Trump’s recently published Middle East peace plan involves allowing all Israeli settlements in the West Bank, widely considered illegal under international law, to remain intact. This highlights an increasing acceptance that these settlements are here to stay in the long term.

Today, there are around 250 settlements, which are home to some 600,000 Israelis. This represents nearly 10% of Israel’s Jewish population.[1] The settlements vary in size - many are well-developed towns, with one even containing a university.

Following the rise of Zionism (the movement supporting the creation of a Jewish national or religious community in Palestine)[2] in the nineteenth century, waves of Jews migrated to Ottoman-held territory in Palestine, a region with deep historic and religious significance to Judaism, Christianity and Islam. After World War I, the British took control of the region, but struggled to contain sectarian violence between Arabs and the growing Jewish population. By the end of World War II, international support for an independent Jewish state was rising and the British were looking for a way out.

In 1947, the United Nations published the Partition Plan for Palestine, which created an independent Jewish and an independent Arab state along the borders marked below, with Jerusalem designated as a ‘special international zone’. This plan was well received by the Jews, who declared independence as Israel, but viewed with suspicion by Arabs, who immediately declared war. This resulted in an Israeli victory, and the Palestinians were pushed back to the West Bank and Gaza, along the boundaries still used today. Many Palestinians were displaced as a result of the war, and the status of these refugees and their descendants is still contentious today.

In 1967, the Six-Day War resulted again in Israeli victory, this time with enormous territorial gains. Israel seized control of the West Bank and Gaza, as well as the Golan Heights and the Sinai peninsula. (The Sinai peninsula was returned to Egypt in 1978).

East Jerusalem, claimed by Palestinians as their capital, was unilaterally annexed by Israel, in a move not recognised by any other country. Israel treats East Jerusalem and the West Bank as separate entities, while Palestine and most of the international community make no distinction between them.

Since 1967, it has been Israeli government policy to promote the creation of settlements populated by Israeli Jews in the West Bank. These have been criticised as illegal under international law, notably by a 2004 International Court of Justice ruling, as the Fourth Geneva Convention outlaws an occupying power from transferring its civilians into occupied territory.[3] Despite widespread condemnation, every Israeli government since 1967 has continued the policy.

Some claim the settlements are a reclamation of lands that the Jewish people have a historic right to. Many also see these settlements as a bulwark against a future Arab invasion. However, most Israelis living in settlements are simply attracted by the cheap housing. The Israeli government heavily subsidises the settlements, with favourable deals on property equating to around $700 per settler per year.[4]

Critics of settlements in the West Bank have pointed out that they make it much more difficult for Palestine to ever form an independent state. It would be almost impossible for an independent Palestinian state to form a contiguous territorial unit around the network of Jewish settlements dotted around the West Bank. Although some say this could be solved by tunnels and bridges, this seems unrealistic.[5]

What is more likely is that an Israeli-Palestinian peace plan would involve the dismantling of some sm

Obtained from Vox.com

aller scale Israeli settlements, as part of wider land swaps. In 2005, the Israeli withdrawal from Gaza led to the eviction of around 8000 Jewish settlers there, indicating that removing settlements is not unthinkable.[6]

Israeli policy has been described as attempting to ‘create facts on the ground’ - by moving large numbers of Israelis into the West Bank, Israel effectively expands its territory.[7] The longer these settlements are in place, and the more developed they become, the harder it becomes to imagine dismantling them as part of a future peace plan.

Israel has set up hundreds of checkpoints and barriers in the West Bank in order to keep settlers secure. These severely restrict the movement of Palestinians, making it difficult to get to work or transport goods, and have a devastating effect on the Palestinian economy.[8]

Although the international community has long criticised the settlements as an obstacle to resolving the Israeli-Palestinian conflict, recent developments have bolstered the settlements’ prospects. Under the Trump administration, the US government controversially moved its embassy to Jerusalem in 2018, before dropping its position late last year that settlements in the West Bank were illegal. Their recently published Middle East peace plan would allow Israel to annex all settlements in the West Bank, as well as the strategic Jordan Valley, while giving all the most desirable parts of Jerusalem to Israel. Benjamin Netanyahu, the Israeli Prime Minister, is pledging to annex large swathes of the West Bank as part of his reelection campaign.

There has been little diplomatic progress in recent years and a long-term agreement on the settlements’ fate looks unlikely in the near future. Meanwhile, Israeli settlements are growing, and their position looks increasingly secure.

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Author: Ieuan Chappel

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[1] Amnesty International, ‘Destination: Occupation’, 2019, accessed at https://www.amnesty.org/en/documents/mde15/9490/2019/en/ [2] Merriam Webster, https://www.merriam-webster.com/dictionary/Zionism, accessed 11 February 2020

[3] Ivan Levingston (2020), ‘Israeli Settlements’ in Bloomberg, January 30

[4] Ibid.

[5] Hagar Shezaf (2020), ‘Land Swap in South, Population Swap in North: Israel and Palestine According to Trump’ in Haaretz, January 29

[6] Luke Baker (2015), ‘Shadow of Israel's pullout from Gaza hangs heavy 10 years on’ in Reuters, August 10

[7] Isabel Kershner and David M. Halbfinger (2020), ’Capital in Trump Mideast Plan Makes ‘a Joke’ of Palestinian Aspirations’ in The New York Times, January 31

[8] Neha Palatal (2013), ’How much do Israeli checkpoints affect the Palestinian economy?’ in Foreign Policy, July 22