Mali military coup: dangerous usurpers or necessary and inevitable revolution?

By Alexandra Gallucci

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Eight years after the last military coup Mali has had another. Bloodshed, corruption, and division plagued the last administration. Will this one be any different?

What happened?

It has been an unstable eight years that concluded how it began: with the military intervening. In the early hours of 18th August 2020, democratically elected President Ibrahim Boubacar Keita of Mali was taken into custody by the so-called ‘National Committee for the Salvation of the People’ (CNSP). A combination of military officials, they forced Keita to resign and dissolve Parliament, before forming a new government.

Will this be the beginning of a subdued denouement in Mali’s history, concluding with a united nation? Or is this just a continuation of the tumultuous epoch of Mali’s political history?

What is the security crisis?

Mali is a country in Western Africa that, since gaining independence in 1960, has experienced four military coups (1968, 1991, 2012 and 2020). For several years Mali has endured domestic unrest with huge swathes of the North being overtaken by insurgent forces. Insurgent Tuareg forces, such as the National Movement for the Liberation of Azawad (MNLA), hoped to create an independent state called ‘Azawad’.

After years of marginalisation, the Tuareg peoples’ cries turned to anger. By April 2012, the MNLA had taken control of the region oftentimes working alongside self-proclaimed Islamist insurgent groups. The fundamental differences between the two inevitably turned into conflict, and by July 2012 Islamist groups had overtaken control in the region.

The human suffering endured as part of this conflict is colossal and ongoing. According to an Al Jazeera report, the attacks within the country have grown fivefold since 2016 and an unprecedented 1.7 million people have been displaced due to the violence.

Why did a coup happen again?

Like 2012, 2020 saw a rise in unrest within the nation. A coalition of politicians, religious leaders, and civil society groups (now known as the ‘June 5 Movement’) organized protests. Al Jazeera reported that protesters questioned the legitimacy of the 2020 legislative election. Alongside this was the prevalent disappointment over how the government was handling the ongoing conflict. Protests were inevitable.

From ‘Africa Report’ “’There has been no coup d’etat in Mali’- Ismael Wague, CNSP spox” (21st August 2020) Image: Wednesday, Aug. 19, 2020. (AP Photo/Arouna Sissoko)’. Colonel-Major Wague, centre, a spokesperson for the CNSP, argued that for democracy to flourish, they needed to end “complacency…[and] must guarantee freedom and security of the people”.

What has been the impact of the conflict?

The conflict has led to an immense loss of life among nations in the Sahel region. The BBC reported that in 2019, 85 soldiers were killed when an Islamic group overran a base on the Mali-Burkina Faso border. Concluding that the security threat is beyond the problem of one nation, this has inspired international cooperation including a regional armed force.

With the spectre of terrorism threatening to destabilise the Sahel region, the significance of Mali’s power exchange is immense. Immediately after the coup, the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS) suspended Mali, emphasising their disapproval of the unconstitutional exchange of power. However, they would go on to negotiate with CNSP, understanding the need for unity against this security crisis. In 2012 Mali was greatly impeded by international ostracisation and forced to create an unstable government that was ill-equipped to address the security issues they faced. Now, the CNSP is able to act as a legitimate authority in the region.

The CNSP’s insistence on upholding international agreements and willingness to negotiate plays into this narrative. The international community wanted a swift return to civilian rule, a democratically elected government, and the release of Keita from imprisonment. The militant Malian leaders obliged. Originally seeking a two-year interim period, this has now been reduced to 18 months. Meanwhile, a civilian interim President has been selected, and President Keita has been released from custody. CNSP’s willingness to listen foreshadows an international approach to governing.

From Al Jazeera article: ‘CNSP leaders arrive at the transitional talks with ECOWAS [File: John Kalapo/Getty Images]’

How do Malians feel?

There has been some evidence of Malians being pleased with the change. Indeed, when soldiers took Keita and his Prime Minister, Boubou Cisse, to their military base, many young people turned out in support. Furthermore, after the coup, the ‘June 5 movement’ drew thousands to a rally to celebrate the “victory of the Malian people”.

Source: BBC

However, Interim Vice-President Goita claimed ‘June 5’ was involved in the selection of the leadership, which was denied by a leader of the movement. A lack of communication between the CNSP and the popular movement could be detrimental to the former’s survival. The CNSP took the mantra of freeing Malian’s from corruption, ineffective leadership and implementing a true democracy. Incompatibility between themselves and, currently, the loudest voices representing the masses could be catastrophic.

Furthermore, public opposition towards French military presence is prevalent, with a WSWS report claiming in early 2020 that 80% of Malians were critical of French intervention. Having previously been a colony under French rule, the memory of oppression is understandably raw. Alongside this is the feeling of redundancy as French presence has done little to reduce the conflict. Consequently, the CNSP’s devotion to maintaining international agreements, including those with France, could prove divisive.

If this exchange of power will be a “victory” for the Malian people is something that cannot be predicted, although many analysts have pessimistically declared it will not be. Questions remain over whether the new, unelected Government can adequately represent the interests of the people they allege to govern. Time will tell if this shall be the end of Mali’s corruption, bloodshed, and instability. Until then we must support Malians’ fight for change.